Thursday, October 31, 2019
Report Analysis Quantitative Methods In B&M Statistics Project
Report Analysis Quantitative Methods In B&M - Statistics Project Example Thus, the countries or rather the observations are listed in a single column randomly; no alphabetical order is followed. Moreover, the four variables are listed in four different columns in order to link a country with its specific numeric variable. Thus, the outlay of the data makes it easy to read, analyze, interpret and even draw comparisons among the observations. From the summary above, GDP is the only variable which has no mode. Moreover, it has a positive skewness which implies that the data is evenly distributed. For the Inflation rate and employment rate variables, the data is negatively skewed. This implies the data is unevenly distributed. Finally, the Unemployment Rate variable has a positive skewness, with the median less than the mean. Thus, the data or rather the observations in this column are evenly distributed. From the above summary, the Gross Domestic Product is dependent on Inflation rate, Employment rate and Unemployment rate. Thus, the regression model that shows a relationship between the dependent and independent variables is as follows: Thus, inflation in a country alongside a high unemployment rate will definitely reduce the GDP. Moreover, placing all the variables at zero, the average GPD according to the model will be the Y- Intercept, for this case
Monday, October 28, 2019
Blood Clotting Essay Example for Free
Blood Clotting Essay Blood clotting is an adaptive/defensive mechanism of the human body. Its primary purpose is to prevent the loss of blood from the cardiovascular system from damaged blood vessels in order to avoid shock and possible death. This accomplished by a process called coagulation wherein blood solidify at the site of injury through a complex process involving platelet aggregation and fibrin formation coupled with thrombin and a dozen other clotting factors. Though the mechanism is designed to prevent deleterious harm, clotting can also be harmful especially when inappropriately triggered such as in the case of strokes and infarctions. In the article by Cathleen Genova, she discusses the findings of a report made in the April 17th 2009 issue of Cell, a journal from Cell Press Publication, where researchers found a possible way of preventing life-threatening clots. The discovery might offer a new way to fight clot formation before it can even begin, according to the researchers. According to the findings, thrombin isnââ¬â¢t the only player in the clotting process, in fact ââ¬Å"enzymes known as matrix metalloproteases have recently emerged as important players in platelet function and the biology of blood vessels. Two of those enzymes, MMP-1 and MMP-2 can actually encourage platelet activationâ⬠early in the clotting process. If treatments were aimed at blocking the MMP1-PAR1 pathway, a new way of treating patients with acute coronary syndromes may be developed. The advantages of such treatments, the researchers predict, would be that an MMP-1 inhibitor might be better tolerated especially since careful balance between the risk of dangerous blood clots and the risk of bleeding must be kept in mind. Works Cited Genova, Cathleen. ââ¬Å"How Life-Threatening Blood Clots Take Hold. â⬠Medical News Today. MediLexicon, Intrnational Ltd. Accessed 23 April 2009 http://www. medicalnewsto-day. com/articles/146508. php ARTICLE http://www. medicalnewstoday. com/articles/146508. php How Life-Threatening Blood Clots Take Hold Article Date: 18 Apr 2009 0:00 PDT When plaques coating blood vessel walls rupture and expose collagen, platelets spring into action to form a blood clot at the damaged site. Now, a new report in the April 17th issue of the journal Cell, a Cell Press publication, reveals how those life-threatening clots a leading cause of death in the United States, Europe and other industrialized countries get an early grip. The discovery might offer a new way to fight clot formation before it can even begin, according to the researchers. Compared to other diseases, blood clotting has been very well understood, said Athan Kuliopulos of Tufts Medical Center and Tufts University School of Medicine. Nevertheless, he continued, many people still suffer from heart attacks, ischemic stroke and death as a result of clot formation. Drugs designed to inhibit clots through known pathways are widely used by millions. They work well, but not perfectly. There is still an unmet need. Those drugs include aspirin and the so-called thienopyridines, including Clopidogrel (trade name Plavix). Scientists have known that a protein called thrombin plays an important role in clot formation as a potent activator of platelets. It also cuts fibrinogen into fibrin, a fibrous protein that works together with platelets to form a clot. But thrombin isnt the whole story. Enzymes known as matrix metalloproteases have recently emerged as important players in platelet function and the biology of blood vessels. Two of those enzymes, MMP-1 and MMP-2 can actually encourage platelet activation, according to earlier studies, although the means were unknown. In cancer cells too, MMP-1 activates a receptor known as PAR1 the same receptor that is also responsible for receiving the thrombin signal on human platelets. There is abundant proMMP-1 coating platelets, Kuliopulos said. We thought maybe it was on the outside waiting to be activated by something. Maybe it could be involved in an early event in blood clotting, before thrombin is around. Indeed, Kuliopulos team has now connected those dots. They show that exposure of platelets to collagen activates MMP-1, which in turn directly cut PAR1 on the surface of platelets. Collagen is the first thing a platelet sees when a blood vessel ruptures or is cut. The MMP-1-PAR1 pathway activates another set of molecular players known to be involved in early clot formation, he said. Those activated platelets change their shape, sending out spikes and membrane sheets. Within seconds, they become more sticky, adhering to the vessel surface and then other platelets. Moreover, they show that treatments that block the MMP1-PAR1 pathway prevent blood clots from forming in the presence of collagen, suggesting that drugs targeting this metalloprotease-receptor system could offer a new way to treat patients with acute coronary syndromes. According to the new results, PAR1 inhibitors already being tested in clinical trials might have an added benefit, Kuliopulos said. Its also possible they might work a little too well, since there is a careful balance between the risk of dangerous blood clots and the risk of bleeding. An MMP-1 inhibitor might be better tolerated, he said. The researchers include Vishal Trivedi, Adrienne Boire, Boris Tchernychev, Nicole C. Kaneider, Andrew J. Leger, Katie OCallaghan, Lidija Covic, and Athan Kuliopulos, of Tufts University School of Medicine, Molecular Oncology Research Institute, Tufts Medical Center, Boston, MA. Source: Cathleen Genova Cell Press
Saturday, October 26, 2019
Impact of widowhood on elderly women in nigeria
Impact of widowhood on elderly women in nigeria The paper examines the social structured context and implications of widowhood in Southeastern Nigeria. It argues that in spite of the efforts by formal and informal agencies to alleviate the burdens of widowhood, the gender informed discriminatory practice of mourning which exacts a heavy toll on women persists. In this case, widows are exposed to harsh and often cruel mourning practices which are especially tasking for elderly women who have to contend with frail physical health, loss of partners and the mental, psychological and physical stress of widowhood. Therefore, while these practices are norm oriented they expose the elderly widows to psychological and social coping challenges. However, these elderly widows are also often led into activities and social strategies perceived as capable of alleviating the burdens of widowhood. Equally interesting is the finding that widows who are actively engaged and enjoy social support cope better with the challenges of widowhood than other s. In view of the above, the paper argues for a more active role by social workers in informing care provisioning and policies for lessening the burdens of widowhood on elderly women. INTRODUCTION The plight of widows has been a recurrent theme in the efforts to address perceived or real gender imbalance in African societies even in contemporary times. In spite of this the traditional conception of mourning which places a higher burden on women has obviously defied reform efforts. Hence the focus on widows actually derives from the traditional and patriarchal nature of African societies in which women are often regarded as the silent role players. In such a situation a woman who loses her partner may confront culturally structured scenarios different from the case of a man in the same situation. Therefore, the imaginings of widowhood in African societies are socio-culturally structured and reinforced and generate significant gender imbalance. Widowhood, meaning loss of ones spouse whether early or later in life entails a lot of things, mostly problems for the bereaved. Its effects may even be worse when the bereaved is an elderly person. Her self identity also changes in the sense that it brings on an era of identity crisis. This is because the widows feel that the real essence of their being married has been lost by the death of spouses. Coping with this identity crisis depends to a large extent on the individuals capacity and will. For traditionally oriented women, the role of wife is central to their lives, structuring their lives not only in their house holds but also on the job and in answering the question who am I and these women often put wife of at the top of their lists (Atchley, 1996). Social recognition and acceptance also pose a problem to widows because often times, widowhood in African societies goes with the erosion of social recognition. Widows often face problems of declining social recognition and acceptance after the death of their spouses and this can be linked to their losing their central roles of wife. In dealing with the societal attitude, these women get involved in other activities that they think will help them get recognition from the public and this can be seen in their active involvement in politics. The elderly people in the society are often stereotyped as lazy, wicked, hard to please disgusting, sickly and sometimes even diabolical (Korieh, 2005). This can be explained by the fact that they are viewed as burdens and distractions from ones immediate family and responsibilities. This stereotype is wrong because in the society, old people who are kind, peaceful and God fearing can still be found and this shows that one being evil or nice has nothing to do with age but the persons character and dispositions in life. According to Hazelrigg (1977), age by itself is not the cause of anything and it gets meaning only from how we use it to sort people. Thus, although age is used systematically to distinguish and categorize people, age in itself explains very little or nothing at all. The loss of a spouse can be a very traumatic experience particularly for many older women who devoted most of their lives to their marriages, husbands and children. Widowhood has thus been called the exemplar of a stressful life event and perhaps requiring more adjustment than any other life transition. (Hatch, 2000; Gallagtor et al, 1983). In addition to this, isolation and exclusion from the social environment sets in all in the name of widowhood practices and rituals and the woman is not expected traditionally to look after herself or freshen-up. This is often defined crudely as not bathing or combing her hair (See Basden, 1966). He aptly captured this practice in traditional Igbo society. According to him the woman mourning: Moves from her deceased husbands house to a small but in another part of the compound. While dwelling in this hut, she wears no clothes unless perhaps a rag; she must sit on a block or wood and nowhere else. Instead of a sleeping mat, a banana leaf must suffice (Basden, 1966; 278). A prominent theoretical orientation in gerontology, the activity theory of aging argues that normal aging involves maintaining as long as possible the activities and attitudes of middle age (See, Havighurst, 1963; Brehm, 1968). The basic assertion of this theory is that individuals should be just as active and involved in a variety of different roles and responsibilities in their later years as they were in their middle years. Judging by the loneliness and feeling of aloneness these widows experience after living for decades with their spouses and losing them when their companionship is most needed- at retirement one would agree that the activity theory to a large extent captures the situation of these widow (See Atchley1996). Thus, according to Brehm (1968), except for the biological and health changes older people have essentially the same psychological and social needs as middle aged people. From our study, it was discovered that this activity theory is of very great significance as a reasonable number of elderly widows used in the study agreed that active involvement in occupation helped them deal with widowhood and its related stress. For them, it helped them overcome loneliness, provide them with resources and kept time moving. This is in live with the contention of Kunkel (1979), that working class widows adjust better during bereavement than those sick, jobless or incapacitated. Based on both the likely erosion of social recognition and insurmountable loss which widowhood occasions, widows have often had to face socio-psychological challenges. These challenges result from both the societal attitude to widows and more crucially the psychological and even physical health of widows. As the above discussion shows, the case of elderly women may be worse given the unexamined stereotype about their attitudes and behaviour (See Korieh, 2005). Therefore this study sought to ascertain the socio-psychological impact of widowhood on elderly women in a typical traditional setting in Nigeria. Such an exercise has undoubted policy and research implications since discrimination against widows form part of the much decried harmful traditional practices against women. Hence the outcome of this study may be instrumental in informing social policies for protection of women as well as pinpointing empirical and theoretical social work response to the problems of widowhood. The study was conducted in Nsukka Local Government Area of Enugu State, Nigeria. Three quarters in the local government area viz Nkpunano, Nru and Ihe-owere were purposively chosen for the study. A total of 500 respondents were chosen through purposive sampling in the above three quarters. All the respondents were identified elderly widows above fifty years of age in these communities. The multi-stage sampling technique was used in actually selecting the above respondents while the questionnaire and interviews were used as instruments of data collection. The findings of the study reported below was based on a total number of 448 elderly women who fully responded to the study instruments. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MENTAL/EMOTIONAL STRESS AND WIDOWHOOD IN ELDERLY WOMEN IN NIGERIA. One glaring socio-psychological impact of widowhood identified in the study sample is mental/emotional stress. In the case, quite a good number of the respondents reported experiencing this type of psychological imbalance. As the table below indicates, the enormity of responsibilities widowhood lays on them triggers off mental/emotional stress in addition to physical stress. Table i: Distribution of Respondents by Nature of Health Stress. Stress Respondents Percentage Mental Stress 7 1.6 Physical Stress 280 62.5 None 161 35.9 Total 448 100 From the table above, apart from the 161 widows (35.9%) who declared they had no stress at all, 280 (62.5%) suffered from physical stress while 7 (1.6%) suffered from mental stress. This was as a result of the weight of responsibilities handed down to them after the death of their spouses. As has been indicated in the literature (See Basden, 1966), the isolation of the widow and the shabby treatment meted out to her in the name of culture in Igboland can generate and heighten emotional and mental stress. In fact as one of our respondents stated, most of the times I fall sick, it is because I think of how to care for my family and I dont seem to come up with any solution. Therefore in the Igbo area of Nigeria generally, as our study reveals, widows are confronted by social practices and observances such as disinheritance, and isolation which have adverse effects on their mental and psychological balance. Mental/emotional stress is a situation in ones mental well being or emotional state occasioned by tragedy (See Atchley, 1996). According to Atchley this stress can be manifested in the form of extreme anxiety, worries, frequent head-ache, high blood pressure, insomnia, heartache and regular hospital visits precipitated by mainly by worry. In patriarchal societies, especially where the widows are suspected of killing their husbands widows are left entirely without social support (see Korieh, 1995). This is usually worse for the women who do not have adequate educational background or who were prevented from obtaining further education. According to one of our respondents, a close relative of her deceased husband tried justifying the treatment meted out to her by asking her how come it was our brother who died? Therefore, the death of a womans spouse in Igboland is usually a great psychological and physical challenge to the widow and her children. The woman who is bereaved is usually expected to be the chief mourner, assisted by relatives and friends, the wailing, weeping and hysteria are expected to go on for days before the mans burial and even afterwards (Afigbo,1989). As has been reported in the literature such wailings and bitter lamentations are culturally expected (Basden, 1966; Meek 1937 cf Afigbo, 1989). This practice of prolonged wailing and anguish enforced by culture may often affect the psychological and mental balance of the woman (See Afigbo, 1989). In addition to this, widowhood may also occasion psychological and mental imbalance in some women especially older women whose mental faculties and emotions have been weakened by the challenges of living. Another key practice of widowhood in Africa which affects a womans psychological balance is the compulsory period of seclusion and isolation (Nwoga, 1989). In this case, the woman is isolated from the community for a specified period. According to this scholar, the isolation is combined with a regime of total neglect of the hygiene and body needs of the woman and incidentally, the practice of widowhood known as Igba-nkpe has also been noticed among Islamic communities. According to Trimmingham (1959), this period is known as iddat or idda among the Moslems and covers an average period of four months and ten days but in Igboland, the period lasts full 12 calendar months though radical Christianity has reduced it in some cases nowadays to six months. Due to their ages also, there are more reports of depression, poor health or new or heightened illnesses among these widows than there is among non-bereaved elderly widows and some of them do not live longer than one year after the deaths of their spouses (Gallagher and Thompson, 2001). This is because depression sets in at the loss of a spouse and most of them tell themselves that there is nothing to live for anymore. At some other times, married women friends see these widows as threats to their own still existing marriages and as a result terminate their relationships with these widows at the death of their spouses. ACTIVE INVOLVEMENT IN OCCUPATION AND COPING WITH WIDOWHOOD AMONG ELDERLY WOMEN Women across the globe have shown enviable courage, resourcefulness and residence in carrying on despite the trauma caused by widowhood, the isolation imposed on them by widowhood and the difficult tasks of earning a living and protecting themselves and their dependent family members. These women work outside the home as the breadwinners, make decisions, head their households and sometimes organize other women in areas of public life (ICRC, 1999). The above is no less the case with elderly widows in Southeastern Nigeria whose burden may have been doubled by the reality of aging. However, the women as our findings indicate see maintaining a sense of balance through engagement in occupation or meaningful economic activity as critical to surviving the coping challenges of widowhood in old age. Therefore, as can be noted from the table below, most of the widows were actively involved in one form of occupation or the other in order to earn a living for their families, and maintain some le vel of socio-economic functioning considered necessary to coping with widowhood: Table ii: Distribution of Respondents by Perceived influence of Active Involvement in Occupation on Coping: Active Involvement Respondents Percentage Yes 399 89.1 No 49 10.9 Total 448 100% It can be noted that 399 respondents (89.1%) stated that active involvement in occupation helped them deal with the stress of widowhood. This is in agreement with the literature which asserts that active involvement in occupation assists widows to deal with widowhood (See Kunkel, 1979). These widows when further questioned expressed different reasons for their involvement in active occupation but given that finance usually is a big problem to widows, 126 (31.6%) and 154 (38.6%) respondents respectively believe in active involvement because it provides money for the upkeep of the family and prevents too much thinking for the widows: Table iii: Distribution of Respondents by Importance of Active Involvement in Occupation. Importance of Active Involvement Respondents Percentage Prevents loneliness 56 14 Prevents thinking 154 38.6 Provides money resources 126 31.6 Keeps time moving 63 15.8 Total 399 100 Apart from involvement in occupation, these widows engaged themselves in some sort of social activities. These they did most times to get their minds off their problems especially at those periods the pains of loss of a love one and maltreatment by in-laws were very intense. The table below goes to show that a reasonable number of widows get themselves occupied socially in one thing or the other as a way of avoiding being engrossed in the throes of pain or endless contemplation of life without ones partner: Table iv: Distribution of Respondents by Social Strategies Adopted by Elderly Widows: Social Strategy Respondents % Active involvement in meetings 77 17.2 Stepped up interaction with family 42 9.4 Move involvement in religion 259 57.8 Introversion 14 3.1 Just keeping busy 56 12.5 Total 448 100 Given that most of the respondents were Christians, it was not out of place to discover that majority of them adopted or resorted to prayers as a social strategy to cope with widowhood. In the interviews as well, it was observed that a good number of them adopted church activities as a solace from the loneliness and difficulties associated with widowhood. Apparently, the widows as the interviews revealed held strongly to the popular notion that when all things fail, God never fails. One of them said in vernacular, Ekpere bu ikem. Chukwu bu onye nkwado m. This simply means in English, Prayer is my strength, God is my provider. From the foregoing therefore, the study revealed that most of the elderly widows at one point or another adopted economic strategies to help them cope the hardship associated with widowhood. Such strategies ranged from petty trading down to taking up additional jobs. On the other hand, they also adopted social strategies to assist them in their daily affairs as widows. These womens involvement in occupations and church activities as means of coping or overcoming widowhood are largely in agreement with the views of some scholars who have written on widowhood (see, Kunkel, 1979; Atchley, 1997). SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE AND THE ALLEVIATION OF PROBLEMS OF WIDOWS IN NIGERIA. As the study revealed, widowhood in Southeastern Nigeria poses a variety of problems to women ranging from low social prestige, disinheritance, and forceful remarriage amongst others. Widows in Southeastern Nigeria often encounter the most severe forms of these discriminations in spite of the increasing modernity of all spheres of the society. One dimension of this gender discrimination is that once the man dies, the widow faces the incidence of disinheritance by in-laws. In western societies, a woman is entitled to all she ever had or shared with her deceased husband but as this study found out in Southeastern Nigeria widows, though preferring to continue to work on the lands owned by their late husbands cannot do so because land inheritance is impossible for them as a result of cultural norms which forbid this (Korieh, 2005). According to Oluwa (2005), though in paper the statutory and customary laws indicate that widows should inherit or be sole beneficiaries of their dead husbands properties (especially where children exist), this does not apply in practice. Rather in some cases where the woman is desperate for these lands and property, she is forced to conform to the tradition of widow inheritance. In this case, the woman is treated as part of the properties of the dead men and is also available for inheritance. She b ecomes the legal wife of her inheritor and the children inherited and those born by the inheritor are considered to belong to the new husband (Evans Pritchard, 1951). The study also discovered that for fear of ostracism and related punishments, widows suffer in silence, especially when they are denied traditional sources of support. This usually causes economic hardships and deprivation. They lose their honour and respect as soon as they lose their husbands. Their husbands being traditionally their main sources of honour and respect, once dead gives room for them to be treated with disregard as humans especially by in-laws (ICRC, 1999). This can be explained by the popular Igbo adage which says that Di bu ugwu nwanyi, (a husband is a womans honour). It was further discovered that widowhood in Igboland is usually a great psychological and physical challenge to the elderly widow. The wailing, weeping and hysteria are expected to go on for days, before the mans burial and even after wards; as is obvious in the literature, such wailings and bitter lamentations are cultural expected (Basden, 1966, Meek, 1937 of Afigbo, 1989) and this prolonged wailing and anguish enforced by culture may often affect the psychological and mental balance of the woman. The list of problems is almost in exhaustible and these call for the intervention of social work services to help alleviate if not eradicate them entirely. From the study it was noticed that those widows who involved themselves in occupation cope better than those who did not. Social workers should therefore take cognizance of the need to sensitize the idle widows to get busy in order to overcome both the financial and emotional hazards of widowhood rather than wallowing in self pity. In this case social workers can go the extra mile of linking widows with systems or organizations where these jobs no matter how small can be found. They can also act as advocates for these widows on the issue of in-laws maltreatment. This role of advocacy should be extended to the policy makers bringing to their notice the ills suffered by the widows especially the elderly ones so that ways of enforcing already existing policies will be found and new ones established. These policies should cover areas such as Medicare for widows, living arrangements (this can be achieved by building low cost houses), changing or eradication of harmful widowhood practices etc. Perhaps beyond the above public policy responses is the critical need for a widow oriented social work practice which while cognizant of the socio-cultural and psychological burdens of widowhood in Southeast Nigeria sees the elderly widows as a special group. Basically, aging and its resultant physical infirmities and socio-psychological withdrawal makes the elderly widow particularly vulnerable to widow induced stress. Hence, social workers acting in their capacities to function as enhancers of coping capacity, linking agents and promoters of effective humane operation of social systems (see, Ekpe Mamah, 1997 on the functions of social work) can do a lot to improve the situation of elderly widows in a male dominated society like the Igbo Southeastern Nigeria. The re-examination of the main findings of this study indicates that the situation of elderly widows can be explained along the lines of the popular continuity theory in social work. According to this theory the individual in the course of growing older is predisposed towards maintaining stability in the habits, associations, preferences and lifestyle that he/she developed over the years (Peterson, 1976; McCrae and Costa, 1984). According to these Scholars, peoples habits, preferences, associations, states of health and experiences will in large part determine their ability to maintain their lifestyle while retiring from full time employment and perhaps adjust to the death of a loved one. Therefore in accordance with our findings in the study, it can be inferred that activity at old age helps the elderly overcome loss of their loved ones especially their spouses and this activity if possible should be in the areas preferred and chosen by the individual with which he/she had been accustomed to over time.
Thursday, October 24, 2019
The Stranger Cultural Analysis Essay -- Literary Analysis
This Novel, by Albert Camus, traces a year in the life of a young clerk, Meursault, in the 1940s who works for a shipping company in Algiers. The first thing that happens to Meursault is that he gets a telegram that his mother has departed. He takes a bus to see her and they hold the vigil. He shows no expression of remorse or sadness. Once back in Algiers Meursault goes to the public beach for a swim. There, he runs into Marie Cardona, his former co-worker. They decide to go on a date and they see a comedy movie, which is ironic after his motherââ¬â¢s death, and they sleep together during the night. The next day he spends just watching people in the street. That next day Meursault returns to work and works all day and while at his apartment Meursault runs into Salamano, an old man who lives in his building and owns a mangy dog. He also runs into his neighbor Raymond, who is suspected to be a pimp. Raymond invites Meursault to dinner and asks Meursault to write a nasty letter to t his girl who cheated on Raymond, and Meursault complies. The next Saturday Marie comes over and asks if Meursault loves her, he doesnââ¬â¢t love her and doesnââ¬â¢t show it, and at night Meursault runs into Salamano who is crying over his dog who ran away. The following Sunday Meursault, Marie, and Raymond go to a beach house owned by Masson, one of Raymonds friends. They run into the girlââ¬â¢s, of whom they wrote the letter to, brothers and a knife is pulled on Raymond and cuts him. They both go different ways and later Meursault shoots one of the girlââ¬â¢s brothers. Meursault is then sent to jail and put on trial. He shows no remorse and over time he goes through more trials after being in prison for over a year and he is sentenced to death by the guillotine. The setting... ... has done, and to free him from his entanglement. Works Cited Bufacchi, Vittorio, and Laura Fairrie. "Execution as Torture." Peace Review 13.4 (2001): 511-517. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 26 Apr. 2011. Camus, Albert, and Matthew Ward. The Stranger. New York: Knopf, 1993. Print. 24 Apr. 2011. de Cavarlay, Bruno Aubusson. "Can criminal statistics still be of scientific use? The French criminal justice system 1813-1980." Historical Methods 26.2 (1993): 69. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 26 Apr. 2011. Scherr, Arthur. "Camus's THE STRANGER." Explicator 59.3 (2001): 149. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 24 Apr. 2011. Scott, Nathan A. Albert Camus. New York: Hillary House, 1962. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 24 Apr. 2011. Strange, Alice J. "Camus' The Stranger." Explicator 56.1 (1997): 36. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 24 Apr. 2011.
Wednesday, October 23, 2019
Dishonest salespeople and gossip Essay
No matter what culture one belongs, common observation shows that women ââ¬Å"gossipâ⬠while men ââ¬Å"talk shopâ⬠; women are ââ¬Å"bossyâ⬠and men are ââ¬Å"firmâ⬠(Womenââ¬â¢s Language, 2005). However, even if common observation shows that women talk more than men, research findings prove otherwise. In fact, findings would even show that ââ¬Å"men have been shown to talk more than women in settings as diverse as staff meetings, television panel discussions and husband-and-wife pairs in spontaneous conversationâ⬠(Womenââ¬â¢s Language, 2005). As men tend to talk about ââ¬Å"male thingsâ⬠like politics, sports, cars, women talk about the ââ¬Å"women thingsâ⬠such as child-rearing, household chores and some personal relationships. According to Pamela Fishmanââ¬â¢s research studies, women are relatively weak in interactive situations because they tend to ââ¬Å"exploit questions and answers in order to force a response and keep the conversation goingâ⬠(Womenââ¬â¢s Language, 2005). Therefore, ââ¬Å"gossipingâ⬠is common and universal. People always love to hear something about the other person who is not on the scene of conversation. What about dishonest salespeople? (rhetorical question) Are these people more disgusting than those who gossip? Looking at the gravity of damage which one causes more harm?à Looking at the gravity between the results, which causes greater damage? Looking at the gravity of the situation, it seems that gossiping is the most destructive trait here. (parallelism). But of course, people will not discount the fact that dishonesty in sales is also a bad trait. For one, not all incidents of dishonesty are detected and not all detected cases are reported. Therefore any fraud statistic is an estimate. Nevertheless, the statistics make it clear that dishonesty in salespeople occurs frequently, and no organization is immune (Peterson & Zikmund, 2004). The costs of fraud and dishonesty will continue to rise unless auditors, management, and the general public become more proactive in learning about the types of fraud, the perpetrators and valuable fraud prevention and detection techniques (Bezanis, 2002). It is important to be able to know the difference between the real and spurious products in order to maintain the good image of that company. Fraud is conventionally defined as ââ¬Å"intentional deception, deceitful pretenses, or deliberate trickery to gain an advantageâ⬠(Hanlin, 2004). Fraud encompasses an array of irregularities and illegal acts characterized by intentional deception. Every fraud involves three elements: (1) theft act, (2) concealment, and (3) conversion (Albrecht & Albrecht, 2001). For instance, buyers who get the misfortune of buying fake Gucci bags are able to identify the fake product because of the flimsy hardware, cheap leather and misspelled logos. The fake bags are so like the originals that it is hard to spot them quickly. There are businessmen who are able to copy the smart way. High-end label bags cost around $500 to over $1,000. Anything less than these price ranges are fake. Buyers are also encouraged to read the fine print so that they do not buy those that says, ââ¬Å"Designer Inspired.â⬠The numerous issues which plague the business sector with allegations and prosecution of unethical conduct easily fall under either the definition of fraud or unfair and deceptive practices. Or if the issue does not fit with the two terms, it can fall under unethical business conduct. The unethical conduct is a catchall phrase that includes fraud and unfair practice and other aspects beyond the scope of the two terms. In the same manner, gossip is also an unethical business indulged by people regarding other people. However, gossip causes hurt. It can hurt people and damage lives. Thus, gossip, depending on the seriousness can be extremely dangerous too. It can damage a personââ¬â¢s reputation and image. In the long run, gossip seems to be more damaging than dishonest salespeople because one can always return a fake product. But the destruction one causes in gossip spreads like wildfire and cannot be restored. As defined, ethical business conduct is doing something that is not required by law, contract, or other obligation and which is a positive contribution to society. Therefore, a contrary conduct is unethical. This means doing something which is prohibited by law, contract, or other obligation or which has a negative contribution to society. Contribution to society is now part of the definition because ethical business conduct has evolved into what is termed as corporate and social responsibility. An act of the company has a vast effect on the society as a whole. In the course of human interactions, there are many situations in which it is difficult to make a decision because values come into conflict. It is essential that an individual or an organization engage in values clarification to develop a personal decision-making process that fosters ethical behavior.
Tuesday, October 22, 2019
Profile of George Washington Plunkitt, Politican
Profile of George Washington Plunkitt, Politican George Washington Plunkitt was aà Tammany Hall politician who wielded clout in New York City for decades. He amassed a fortune by engaging in various schemes which he always claimed had been honest graft. When collaboratingà on an eccentric book about his career in 1905 he brazenly defended his long and complicated career in machine politics. And he suggested his own epitaph, which became famous:à He seen his opportunities and he took em.à During Plunkitts political career he held a variety of patronage jobs. He boasted of having held four government jobs in one year, which included a particularly prosperous stretch when he was paid for three jobs simultaneously. He also held elected office in the New York State assembly until his steady seat there was taken from him on a very violent primary election day in 1905. After Plunkitt died at the age of 82 on November 19,à 1924, the New York Times published three substantial articles about him within four days. The newspaper essentially reminisced about the era when Plunkitt, generally seated on a bootblack stand in a courthouse lobby, dispensed political advice and handed out favors to loyal supporters. There have been skeptics who claimed that Plunkitt greatly exaggerated his own exploits and that his political career was not nearly as flamboyant as he later claimed. Yet theres no doubt he had extraordinary connections in the world of New York politics. And even Plunkitt exaggerated the details, the stories he told of political influence and how it worked was very close to the truth. Early Life The New York Times headline announcing Plunkitts death noted that he had been born on Nannys Goats Hill. That was a nostalgic reference to a hill that would eventually be within Central Park, near West 84th Street. When Plunkitt was born on November 17,à 1842, the area wasà essentially a shanty town. Irish immigrants lived in poverty, in ramshackle conditions in what was largely a wilderness far removed from the growing city farther south in Manhattan.à Growing up in a rapidly transforming city, Plunkittà went to public school. In his teens, he worked as a butchers apprentice. His employer helped him start his ownà business as a butcher at Washington Market in lower Manhattan (the sprawling market along the Hudson River was the future site of many office buildings including the World Trade Center). He later went into the construction business, and according to his obituary in the New York Times, Plunkitt built many of the docks on Manhattans Upper West Side. Political Career First elected to the New York State Assembly in 1868, he also served as an alderman in New York City. In 1883 he was elected to the New York State Senate. Plunkitt became a power broker within Tammany Hall, and for nearly 40 years was the undisputed boss of the 15th Assembly District, a heavily Irish bastionà on Manhattans West Side. His time in politics coincided with the era of Boss Tweed, and later Richard Croker. And even if Plunkittà later exaggerated his own importance, theres no doubtà he had witnessed some remarkable times.à He was eventually defeated in a primary election in 1905 which was marked by violent eruptions at the polls. After that, he essentially retreated from day-to-day politics. Yet he still kept a public profile as a constant presence in government buildings in lower Manhattan, telling stories and regaling a circle of acquaintances. Even in retirement, Plunkitt would stay involved with Tammany Hall. Every four years he was appointed to make the travel arrangements as New York politicians traveled by train to the Democratic National Convention. Plunkitt was a fixture at the conventions and was deeply disappointed when ill health a few months before his death prevented him from attending the 1924 convention.à Plunkitts Fame In the late 1800s, Plunkitt became quite wealthy by habitually buying up land which he knew the city government would eventually need to buy for some purpose. He justified what he did as being honest graft. In Plunkitts view, knowing something was going to happen and capitalizing on it was not corrupt in any way. It was simply smart. And he openly bragged about it. Plunkitts openness about the tactics of machine politics became legendary. And in 1905 a newspaperman, William L. Riordon, published a book Plunkitt of Tammany Hall, which was essentially a series of monologues in which the old politician, often hilariously, expounded on his life and his theories of politics.à His lively accounts of how the Tammany machine operated may not have been well-documented, but they give a solid sense of what it must have been like it New York City politics in the late 1800s. He always steadfastly defended his own political style and the workings of Tammany Hall. As Plunkitt put it: So, you see, these fool critics donââ¬â¢t know what theyââ¬â¢re talkinââ¬â¢ about when they criticize Tammany Hall, the most perfect political machine on earth. Sources George W. Plunkitt Dies At 82 Years, New York Times, 20 Nov. 1924, p 16. Plunkitt of Tammany Hall, New York Times, 20 Nov. 1924, p. 22. Plunkitt, Champion of Honest Graft, New York Times, 23 Nov. 1924, p. 177.
Monday, October 21, 2019
How Do Traditional Culture Impact on the Business Culture Essays
How Do Traditional Culture Impact on the Business Culture Essays How Do Traditional Culture Impact on the Business Culture Essay How Do Traditional Culture Impact on the Business Culture Essay Additionally, business owners treat the businesses as extensions of themselves and tenant to want to Keep ten Dustless Walton ten Tamely even winner prudence Allocates that the business will be best managed by professional non-family members. Family members in turn are in many cases unable to differentiate between the finances/ property of the business and that of the family. 1. 2. 2. Ethnic Affiliations: the culture f ethnicity fostered by our collective history has created a culture of mutual suspicion among members of different ethnic groups. This has translated to unwelcome competition and a tendency to protect our own within a company. It is not unusual for staff to be hired along ethnic lines and even where objective recruitment criteria are introduced; there is usually external pressure on managers to disregard such criteria in favor of members of their ethnic group. Increasingly businesses are forming the habit of outsourcing recruitment functions to consultancy rims in order to ensure that staff are employed solely on merit. In the work place, employees expect their kinsmen in positions of authority to protect their interests especially with regards to staff promotion and disciplinary issues. In turn, such employees act as the boss spy bearing unsolicited information and thus creating a culture of rumor mongering in our companies. 1. 2. 3. Respect for elders (seniority): this is an integral part of the Nigeria value system, which has its pros and cons with respect to its impact on our business culture. It has led to a culture of vertical decision making. There is usually one leader within the company and its various business units. While this culture ensures optimal discipline, it is counterproductive where a task demands the presence of many leaders and kills initiative from lower ranking members of the company. 5 Page 1. 2. 4. Flowing from the above is the culture of centralization and control in Nigerian businesses and while this is desirable in most cases, it has created the undesirable sub-culture of respect for the boss decisions even if they are patently wrong and an unwillingness to exercise initiative so as not to offend the boss. Secondly, discipline is easily maintained in an organization as everyone respects the companys hierarchy. On the downside, some tasks may be left undone on the ground that it is the boss duty and he has not delegated it. 1. 2. 5. Punctuality: there is a culture of African time in Nigeria, which is a name given to our tendency never to arrive early or on time to the work place, a meeting or an event. To tackle this attitude, managers have introduced (in addition to existing company recommended punishment for tardiness) monetary fines in the work place as a deterrent to offenders. This is increasingly becoming a feature of every business in Nigeria. 1. 2. 6. Religion: Nigerian pride themselves on being highly religious people especially adherents of Christianity and Islam. Accordingly, every business in Nigeria begins the day, meetings and other gatherings with prayers. In majority of companies, prayers are said collectively, while in the others Christians and Moslems pray separately. Adherents of traditional forms of worship are required to participate in such prayers. N By Ana large, It must De pollute out Tanat ten Dustless culture In Nigeria has been affected to a large extent by our traditional values and customs. In the foregoing report, we haves only been able to examine those that have had significant influence in building the culture of businesses. I wish to note that the business culture is also most times determined by the personal culture of the particular entrepreneur. 6 | Page PART 2 2. 1. INTRODUCTION In this report, the organization in focus is Oceanic Bank International Pl, until recently one of the top seven banks in Insignias 24-banks banking industry. Oceanic Bank was established in 1989 but commenced business in 1990. The bank witnessed astronomical growth in all indices from 2005 necessitating the opening of more branches (up to 400 branches) to accommodate increasing business. The increase in branches also underscored the need to restructure the banks business units for effective management. Accordingly, in April 2008, the entire country comprising 36 states of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory, Baja, was split up into four directorates headed by an Executive Director each. Each directorate comprises zonal offices each made up of between ten to fifteen branches and headed by a zonal head. The number of zonal offices within a directorate was determined by the number of branches in the directorate. The FACT directorate for example comprised 41 branches, which were divided into three zonal offices. Regulatory Intervention On August 14, 2009, the Central Bank of Nigeria (Insignias banking watchdog) announced the sack of the Executive Managements of five banks namely Intercontinental Bank Pl, Oceanic Bank International Pl, Africans Pl, Fibbing Pl and Union Bank of Nigeria Pl for financial mismanagement and reckless credit practices.
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